---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Ludovick Simon Mwijage <bugabo18@hotmail.com>
Date: Tue, Sep 26, 2017 at 5:55 AM
Subject: Fw: I WAS NYERERE'S PRISONER FOR TEN YEARS-----Ali Muhsin Al Barwani (Part 2)
To: "simon.mwijage@gmail.com" <simon.mwijage@gmail.com>
From: Ludovick Simon Mwijage <bugabo18@hotmail.com>
Date: Tue, Sep 26, 2017 at 5:55 AM
Subject: Fw: I WAS NYERERE'S PRISONER FOR TEN YEARS-----Ali Muhsin Al Barwani (Part 2)
To: "simon.mwijage@gmail.com" <simon.mwijage@gmail.com>
From: Wanazuoni@yahoogroups.com <Wanazuoni@yahoogroups.com> on behalf of Ludovick Simon Mwijage bugabo18@hotmail.com [Wanazuoni] <Wanazuoni@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Tuesday, September 26, 2017 5:41 AM
To: wanazuoni@yahoogroups.com; Wanabidii
Subject: [Wanazuoni] I WAS NYERERE'S PRISONER FOR TEN YEARS-----Ali Muhsin Al Barwani (Part 2)
Sent: Tuesday, September 26, 2017 5:41 AM
To: wanazuoni@yahoogroups.com; Wanabidii
Subject: [Wanazuoni] I WAS NYERERE'S PRISONER FOR TEN YEARS-----Ali Muhsin Al Barwani (Part 2)
Four Years Detention Without Presidential Order
''In 1968 Judge Seaton, a High Court judge, visited Mwanza prison. I asked him if we had any legal status at all. The Prison superintendent told him that no papers had accompanied the ex-ministers of Zanzibar. The judge promised to look into the matter. Four years later when I was in another prison at Bukoba, the Administrative Secretary of the Regional Commissioner proposed that I should petition the President for my release. I told him as I did not know why I was kept inside I felt I had very little ground on which to base my petition.
He said, ''Surely when you were detained the detention order was read to you''.
I told him as far as I knew there was no detention order for me. The prison superintendent said there was, and he read an order purported to have come from the President and couched in the usual legal and formal phraseology. It said that as the President was convinced that so and so, naming all of us in the Shamte cabinet, had been behaving in a manner prejudicial to the security of the state, he ordered our detention. When I asked about the date when the said order had been signed, it turned out to have been in 1968, some time after my meeting with Judge Seaton in the Mwanza prison!
We were overthrown and detained in 1964. I grant that there was revolution in Zanzibar, and that illegal things could happen there. But from the middle of 1964 until 1968 when the order was signed we were illegally detained, illegally even according to the unjust laws of Tanzania, by President Nyerere, on the mainland of Tanzania where he had full and undisputed authority. For four years before the signing of the detention order we had been in his custody. Was it possible that during that period any of us could have acted in a manner prejudicial to the security of the state? Assuming then this referred to the period prior to our arrest and detention, we had been responsible ministers elected according to the law and the constitution then prevailing in Zanzibar. Could we have acted in the manner described in the order signed by Julius Nyerere? Under any circumstances the ''state'' referred to being Tanzania never existed prior to our arrest. That a head of state posing as an upholder of justice could stoop to such low trickeries and lies makes one despair. Armed with these glaring facts I wrote a petition to the President, couched of course in very polite and appropriate language. No response. There was never even an acknowledgement of receipt to any of the dozen or so letters that I wrote to Nyerere both inside and outside of prison. Such ordinary courtesies are considered relics of colonialism in Tanzania.
Dr Kleru was the Regional Commissioner who was shot by a farmer, Abdulla Saidi Mwamindi, on Christmas day in 1971. The farmer was among a number whose farms had been forcibly confiscated for the establishment of the so-called Ujamaa (socialist) villages. The high-handedness of this particular Regional Commissioner was notorious. The victims of his tyranny reported incidents to the Party leaders who advised them to report to the police, which they did. The Commandant of the Police, Abubakar, drew the attention of his superiors in Da es Salaam to the provocative activities of the Regional Commissioner, and also to his drunken habit of falling in the gutters and being sexually assaulted by hooligans. After his assassination about forty of the farmers who had been forwarding complaints to the Police, and the Commandant of Police himself who was investigating the shooting, were put in detention until Mwamindi had been convicted and sentenced to death. Even before the case had been heard all Government and Party mass media condemned not only Mwamindi but also all farmers, as ''exploiting capitalists, reactionaries and traitors''. Government sponsored demonstrations were held to condemn them. Thus Mwamindi had been convicted by Government agents before he appeared in court. All potential witnesses who could help in at least establishing mitigating circumstances for his action were put in cold storage until the case was over. This step was also obviously calculated to strike terror into the hearts of all others who might consider giving evidence in defence. Thus is justice prostituted in countries such as Tanzania where the law of detention prevails, and one man holds absolute power. Twelve of Iringa men including Mwamindi himself were with me in the Dodoma prison. The Commandant of Police, Abubakar, spent two days also with us on his being transferred from one prison to another.
A good deal of publicity has been given to the tortures inflicted on prisoners in the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba. Practically nothing has been heard of what happens on the mainland of Tanzania, where inhuman treatment of inmates is not unknown, but where because of the absence of democracy and the basic human rights of expression, incidents of torture and cruelty are not reported for fear of repercussion. I saw at Mwanza, when Superintendent Odenyo was in charge, prisoners who had been denied food and waterfor four days being taken to hospital (more dead than alive) with reports that they had been on hunger strike. At Dodoma I used to hear of similar incidents. I heard as I could not see since a wall separated our detention section from the punishment cells. The culprit at Dodoma was Chief Officer nicknamed ''Iron Face'' because he was reputed never to have been moved by pity. The Senior Superintendent in charge having become lax as a result of seniority and attending endless political meetings, functions and parties, left practically all the internal administration in the hands of his assistant and the Chief Officer. The two of them made life intolerable in the prison''-----pages 258/260, Conflicts and Harmony in Zanzibar (memoirs). Source: https://www.facebook.com/Ludovick.S.Mwijage/
 | Julius K Nyerere: Servant of God or Untarnished Tyrant? 29 likes. This Facebook page is intended to give voice to the victims who perished under Julius K... | |
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3 Comments
on how much I read paper-writing.services then the government at that time completely without reason made such a move
REPLYSo, that would be so nice if you get the information like that. I need to know more about it.
REPLYIf such a serious decision was made, you simply cannot change something, because now it is independent of you or someone else.
REPLY