A Slow-Motion British
Coup in South Africa
by David Cherry
Thabo Mbeki and the Battle for the Soul of the ANC by William Mervin Gumede.
In the accelerating crisis of London's worldwide economic and financial system, greater control over populations and raw materials is an imperative for the Anglo-Dutch oligarchs. South Africa is not only a target in its own right: It is also a key to controlling sub-Saharan Africa as a whole, and represents a potentially powerful center of independent development on the continent.
These books by South Africans are propaganda for the British plan to seize control over South Africa through a "slow-motion coup." Author William Gumede, who works for the London Economist Intelligence Unit and BBC World Service, has patronage of the British- linked Oppenheimer interests. Author Andrew Feinstein, now living in London, wrote his book with Rockefeller Foundation support. The British strategy is to discredit South Africa's President, Thabo Mbeki, and to control the choice of his successor, since he cannot succeed himself. So far, the populist Jacob Zuma—fired by Mbeki as his Vice President in 2005—has been successfully played as the "injured party," to mobilize for the British the many who are understandably discontented with the slow, uneven improvement of social conditions.
Zuma was elected president of the African National Congress (ANC) in November 2007, replacing Mbeki in that post, at a party conference in which many inflamed delegates showed disrespect for the President of their country and his closest associates, in their zeal for Zuma. As ANC president, Zuma could expect to be the ANC's candidate for South African President in the 2009 election, if he is not convicted in his corruption trial first. (The ANC is the majority party; its candidate is virtually assured of winning the election.) But it appears that the British gamemasters were playing at bait-and-switch, and Zuma may be eliminated as a candidate, whether convicted or not.
Whom Will the British Choose?
Who will actually be the British preference for Presidential candidate depends on dialogue between the British and their South African admirers. Until recently, the drumbeat in the British-oriented press was for Cyril Ramaphosa, Tokyo Sexwale (pronounced "Seh-whahleh"), or Mathews Phosa, usually named together. The history is that, as of 1996, Mbeki's chief rivals were Ramaphosa, then ANC secretary general, and Sexwale, premier of Gauteng Province. When Mbeki was elected ANC president in December 1997, confirming him as Nelson Mandela's successor as South African President, Ramaphosa had already resigned his public and political positions and gone for big bucks in business.
Sexwale soon did likewise. Phosa, premier of Mpumalanga Province, was removed by Mbeki in 1999; he has since prospered in international business. Ramaphosa got his start in business when Oppenheimer's Anglo American effectively gave away to him a $500 million stake in Johnnic Ltd in the name of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), a scheme to coopt black South Africans into the imperial system, known today as "globalization." Johnnic, a gambling and leisure group, also owns, through subsidiaries, the company that published the first edition of Gumede's book in 2005. Today, billionaire Ramaphosa is joint chairman of Mondi, a major international paper group, thanks again to the unbundling of Mondi from Anglo American. July 11, 2008 EIR International 53 Sexwale, praised by Harry Oppenheimer for his understanding of the diamond- mining industry worldwide, has become a major figure in diamond mining and oil in Angola, Sudan, the Gulf of Guinea, and Russia, through BEE.
His Mvelaphanda Resources is said to be the third-largest company in diamonds, after De Beers and JFPI Corporation. He is on the International Advisory Board of JPMorgan Chase, is a family friend of the Rockefellers, and has been a sometime guest in the George W. Bush White House. Sexwale laces his speeches with enough references to "the open society" to suggest that he has also bought into George Soros's propaganda. Through his membership of the advisory board of Wingate Capital SA, billionaire Sexwale is close to the board's chairman, Lord Charles Powell, who is on the payroll of BAE Systems and helped broker its infamous Al-Yamamah arms deal with Saudi Arabia. A former senior director of Jardine Matheson Holdings of the heroin trade, Powell remains a director of Matheson & Co. He is on the international advisory board of Barrick Gold, which is pillaging the Democratic Republic of the Congo. He is also on the advisory board of Thales UK.
Thales is the former Thomson- CSF, a French company accused of bribery in the South African arms scandal. Powell was private secretary and trusted foreign policy advisor to Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. Is it any wonder that in 1999, President Mbeki should have criticized former leading figures in South Africa's liberation struggle, such as these three, for abandoning the cause of the South African people, allowing themselves to be coopted by some of the most vicious globalizers in the world? When evidence emerged in 2001, that the three were conspiring to depose Mbeki—by accusing him of complicity in the killing of popular ANC leader Chris Hani—the evidence was contemptuously dismissed in the press. But today, the three and their collaborators are toasting their success in drawing close to the goal.
The Shape of the Coup
On June 4, with Mbeki out of the ANC presidency, author William Gumede summarized the next steps of the slowmotion coup under the headline, "National Crisis in SA Calls for Extraordinary Steps," in the South African daily Mail & Guardian: "The South African state is imploding." "The black majority . . . will no longer wait patiently for the benefits of post-1994 economic growth to trickle down. . . . They want jobs, food, affordable education, health care, electricity, public transport . . . and they want it now. The devastating effects of high interest rates and rampant food and fuel inflation, combined with corruption . . . are a catalyst for eruption." Gumede continues, "This is nothing but a national emergency, which calls for extraordinary steps. Parliament must be dissolved. Next year's general election must be brought forward to give the government a new mandate. Mbeki must step down as president immediately.
The ANC must call a special national conference to make the leadership decision. . . . Because this is a national emergency, the ANC leadership must offer the job as South African President to ANC deputy president Kgalema Motlanthe, ANC treasurer Mathews Phosa, or ANC national executive committee member Cyril Ramaphosa. . . . In sheer desperation, many want Zuma to take over [as President] as quickly as possible. [But] the opposition in and outside the ANC against Zuma is intense. . . . Zuma can remain the party's president. . . . Motlanthe, Phosa and Ramaphosa represent a clear generational change—and a clean break from the two factions [Mbeki and Zuma] currently paralyzing the government and ANC."
The Oppenheimers' Gumede, who portrays Mbeki as too business-friendly in his book, now tells us that the coup to put a candidate of the globalizers into the Presidency is the path to "jobs, food, affordable education, health care, electricity, public transport" for the black majority—and now In his book, Gumede wrote that Ramaphosa was "the strongest candidate by far." And Motlanthe may be a Ramaphosa protégé. When Ramaphosa moved from the secretary generalship of the powerful National Union of Mineworkers that he had founded, to ANC secretary general, Motlanthe took his place. When Ramaphosa resigned as ANC secretary general, Motlanthe took his place.
South African President Thabo Mbeki aroused the wrath of the Anglo-Dutch imperialsts, who consider Africa as their private hunting and looting preserve, by acting not only on behalf of South Africa, but for the security, peace, and prosperity of the continent as a whole.
July 11, 2008 Feinstein coyly declines to name his choice of alternatives to Mbeki and Zuma, but says that there are potential candidates among "the talented and principled people who have distanced themselves from the recent excesses and infighting," unsullied by "autocracy, arrogance, and deceit." However, his first choice among these "talented and principled people" is obvious: the talented and unprincipled Sexwale, his former boss, the one individual on whom Feinstein lavishes indiscriminate praise. Feinstein was economic advisor to Sexwale as Gauteng premier, and chairman of his finance and economics committee. The Rockefellers are promoting Sexwale, their family friend, and Feinstein is just the man to help, with Rockefeller Foundation support.
Mbeki's Audacity
What did Mbeki do to arouse the wrath of the oligarchs? Since his election as President in 1999, he has had the temerity to act not only on behalf of South Africa, but for the security, peace, and prosperity of Africa at-large. His government is at work on the Pebble Bed Modular Reactor to bring nuclear power to Africa. He has defended Zimbabwe's sovereignty against the mayhem of the British and their American dupes. His defense minister, Mosiuoa Lekota, refused even to meet with U.S. military leaders to discuss the insidious new U.S. Africa Command, a control operation posing as the Boy Scouts. In his broader foreign policy, Mbeki strongly opposed the war against Iraq and supported the sovereignty of Iran. Even while making serious mistakes in HIV/AIDS policy, he was right to refuse to be bulldozed by the big pharmaceutical companies and their political catspaws, such as Al Gore, who demanded full price for U.S.-made drugs, which South Africa cannot afford. Mbeki's strategic thinking often put him at odds with the Anglo-Dutch oligarchs.
Not daring to attack Mbeki on these issues, Gumede attempts to make the case that Mbeki is "autocratic" and has sold out to big business. These are strange charges coming from someone who has Oppenheimer patronage, accepted an award from the Sanlam insurance and financial services giant for his financial journalism, and is a former senior editor of the South African Financial Mail. The Oppenheimers, Sanlam, and the Financial Mail do not complain about the actual autocracy—the Anglo-Dutch financial and economic dictatorship. They serve as its arms.
Gumede was not the first to call for Mbeki to immediately resign. Mathews Phosa, now the ANC treasurer general, was the first high-level figure to make that call, on May 14. It was echoed "across the political spectrum" as one news article claimed, referring to The Times (South Africa), the South African Communist Party, and the opposition Democratic Alliance. All three are channels of British influence. But funny things happen in such complex manipulations.
The Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu), itself subject to extensive British Fabian Society influence, believes that the ANC under Zuma has "shifted its policy approach in favor of the working class," and apparently understands that those who want to force Mbeki out now are also planning to push Zuma aside. Cosatu has declared that Mbeki must serve out his term. The "out now" initiative is dead, but the British game continues.
An Attack on the ANC
Seen in their proper light, the discrediting of Mbeki, the bait-and-switch game with Zuma, and the buying up of potential Presidential candidates are collectively a fundamental attack on the ANC—the one institution with the potential to sufficiently unify the country to assert the national interest against imperial onslaught. George Soros identified this potential when he spoke at the 10th anniversary celebration of his Open Society Foundation for South Africa, held in Cape Town Dec. 4, 2003. The Cape Argus reported his statement the next day, under the headline, "ANC Majority a Threat to Open Society, Says Soros." According to its paraphrase, Soros said, "The fact that South Africa has a dominant political party that could gain a two-thirds majority in next year's general election could 'deteriorate' what has become an open society."
The task facing South Africans is to rise above the circus of appearances peddled by authors Feinstein and Gumede, to address the institutional threat to South Africa posed by the globalizer- imperialists, such as the Oppenheimers, Rockefellers, and Soroses, and their bought-and-paid-for politicians masquerading as democrats—all children of a British "mother."
The British oligarchs are promoting Mbeki's rivals, billionaires Tokyo Sexwale (above) and Cyril Ramaphosa, both owned by the Oppenheimer interests, to replace the South African President.
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